By Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, Alexander Grosu
The contributions during this quantity are dedicated to quite a few elements of the interior and exterior syntax of DPs in a large choice of languages belonging to the Slavic, Turkic, Finno-Ugric, Semitic and Germanic language households. specifically, the papers handle questions on the topic of the interior and exterior cartography of varied kinds of simplex and intricate DPs: the location of DPs inside of greater constructions, contract in phi-features and/or case among DPs and their predicates, in addition to among sub-elements of DPs, and/or the task of case to DPs in particular configurations. the 1st 4 chapters of the booklet concentration totally on the exterior syntax of DPs, and the rest chapters care for their inner syntax.
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Extra resources for Advances in the Syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case
In Grebenyova’s (2005) application of Hornstein’s model to Russian. 1, the underappreciated problem of how agreement under OC works is where the approaches differ most. For Babby, there is no OC PRO. Instead he extends Williams’s (1994) “Vertical-Binding” (VB) account of control of adjunct modifiers to OC. Under the “movement theory of control” (MTC) there is similarly no OC pronominal either, the subject instead being the trace of A-movement. Under Landau’s minimalist account OC PRO receives its case from the same matrix probe that also values the case of PRO’s controller.
12 How would the MTC deal with the SD? For Hornstein (2001), there is no such thing as PRO, even in arbitrary control contexts. But this is terminological, since he still needs an independent pronominal subject in these contexts (although he says little about it). ” This leaves much of the details to the imagination and, for the SD, raises similar conceptual issues as does V-binding. First, recall some representative non-OC examples from (7): (23) a. gen about it [kak žit’ samomu]. ’ b. Ivan dumaet, čto [pojti domoj odnomu] važno.
One might think that this choice has something to do with the possibility of mixed judgments, but Landau (2008: 898, fn. 17) instead states that the choice is free and that mixed judgments arise whenever T/v is free either to probe C, as in (31), or to skip C and probe PRO directly, as in (30). We will consider his implementation of variation in Section 4, but suffice it to say that, if C is implicated in assigning the dative, a more appealing idea than having two kinds of covert C might be that under OC there is no C at all.