Aspects of Split Ergativity by Jessica Coon

By Jessica Coon

In languages with aspect-based cut up ergativity, one section of the grammar follows an ergative trend, whereas one other indicates a "split." during this e-book, Jessica Coon argues that aspectual break up ergativity doesn't mark a break up in how case is assigned, yet fairly, a break up in sentence constitution. particularly, the contexts during which we discover the looks of a nonergative trend in an another way ergative language contain additional structure--a disassociation among the syntactic predicate and the stem wearing the lexical verb stem.

The publication starts with an research of break up individual marking styles in Chol, a Mayan language of southern Mexico. the following visual appeal of break up ergativity follows obviously from the truth that the revolutionary and the imperfective morphemes are verbs, whereas the perfective morpheme isn't. the truth that the nonperfective morphemes are verbs, mixed with self sufficient houses of Chol grammar, leads to the looks of a split.

This ebook extra surveys aspectual splits in numerous unrelated languages and provides a proof for the common directionality of break up ergativity: in splits, ergativity is usually retained within the perfective element. Following Laka's (2006) notion for Basque, Coon proposes that the cross-linguistic tendency for imperfective elements to trend with locative buildings is accountable for the biclausality which motives the looks of a nonergative trend. development on Demirdache and Uribe-Etxebarria's (2000) prepositional account of spatiotemporal relatives, Coon proposes that the perfective is rarely periphrastic--and therefore by no means comprises a split--because there is not any preposition in traditional language that thoroughly captures the relation of the assertion time to the event time denoted through the perfective point.

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Warkentin and Scott 1980, 102) ts’i`, mi ke i-tyaj. b. 77) In summary, Chol’s tyi is absent from past imperfective clauses—which lends credit to an analysis of tyi as perfective aspect. However, it is noteworthy that it also appears in conditional antecedents, regardless of their temporal interpretation. This appearance, according to Bjorkman and Halpert, is triggered by a [+past] feature. One possibility consistent with their MAYAN BACKGROUND AND CLAUSE STRUCTURE [ 39 ] analysis is that tyi bundles both perfective and past features together.

PRFV seated- POS. ’ NONPERFECTIVE POSITIONALS ˜ a. Chonkol i-buch-ty¨al. PROG A 3-seated-POS. ’ tyi karo. b. legs-POS. 55) 10. At least for one speaker consulted, it seems that the form is realized as -le when preceding the first person clitic -o˜n and as -li elsewhere. Partial vowel harmony like this is not uncommon in Chol affixes. [ 34 ] Complementation in Chol Coon and Preminger (2009) argue for an analysis in which the suffixes -li and -ty¨al are further decomposed and include the -i and -el suffixes found on the intransitives discussed above.

6; see V´azquez Alvarez 2011 for discussion and examples. The Set A morphemes co-index transitive subjects (32a), unergative subjects (32b), subjects of intransitives in the nonperfective aspects (32c), and possessors of nominals (32d). Unergatives like (32b) are transitive light verb constructions, discussed in chapter 3. (32) SET A (ERGATIVE/ GENITIVE) MARKING a. Tyi k-wuts’-u pisil. 6. C H O L P L U R A L MORPHOLOGY Local [+addressee] la Local [−addressee] -lojo˜n, lo˜n Nonlocal -ob MAYAN BACKGROUND AND CLAUSE STRUCTURE [ 43 ] ˜ b.

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