By Katalin E. Kiss
The objective of this e-book is to argue for the declare that Hungarian sentence constitution includes a non-configurational propositional part, preceded via configurationally decided operator positions. during this, quite a few descriptive problems with Hungarian syntax might be analyzed, and numerous theoretical questions about the life and nature of non configurational languages should be addressed. The descriptive difficulties to be tested in Chapters 2 and three focus on the be aware order of Hungarian sentences. bankruptcy 2 identifies an invariant constitution within the it sounds as if freely permutable Hungarian sentence, declaring systematic correspondences among the structural place, interpre tation, and stressing and intonation of different components. bankruptcy three analyzes the observe order phenomenon characteristically referred to as 'sentence inter- I twining' of complicated sentences, and indicates that the time period, in truth, covers various buildings (a constitution as a result of operator flow, and a base generated trend) with modifications in constituent order, operator scope and V-object contract. bankruptcy four bargains interpretation, case task, with the coreference chances of reflexives, reciprocals, own seasoned nouns, and lexical NPs. eventually, bankruptcy five assigns constructions to the 2 significant sentence forms containing an infinitive. It analyzes infinitives with an AGR marker and a lexical topic, concentrating on the matter of case project to the topic, in addition to topic regulate buildings, accounting for his or her usually paradoxical, at the same time mono- and biclausal behaviour in admire to notice order, operator scope, and V-object agreement.
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Extra info for Configurationality in Hungarian
5 Janos [8 egy 'szotart [s vett tegnap John a dictionary-ace bough~ yesterday a konyvesboltban]]] the bookstore-in John bought a dictionary in the bookstore yesterday. 5 E. Kiss Katalin 66 (77) CHAPTER 2 a. [8 Janos [s 'tegnap [g ment be az egyetemre]]] b. [8 Janos [s 'tegnap [g vett egy szotlirt a konyvesboltban]]] (78) a. [8 Janos [s 'tegnap [g ment az egyetemre be]]] b. [8 Janos [s 'tegnap [s vett a konyvesboltban egy szotart]]] (79) a. [8 Janos [s 'be is [s ment az egyetemre]]] John in also went the university-on John also went to the university.
The professor-dat It was to the old man and not to the professor that I gave my seat. In other positions, the old man and the professor could not be understood as referring to the same person: h Az Dreg (11) embernek] [F at] ad tam a helyet, de the old man-dat over gave-I the place-ace but a professzornak nem. the professor-dat not To the old man, I gave my seat, but to the professor, I didn't. (12) [F At]adtam a helyet az Dreg embernek, de nem over gave-I the place-ace the old man-dat but not adtam at a professzornak.
Azt) harapOfogoval kell kihtizni (belole). it-ace pincers-with must drag-out of-him (It) must be dragged (out of him) with pincers. b. (Annak) az arnyeka sem ferhet (hozza). its the shadow not-even can-get at-him Not even the shadow (of it) can get close (to him). c. (Ot) az isten is (neki) teremtette. her the god even to-him created God even created (her) (for him). , idiosyncratically) determined. Consequently, idiom frame rules provide no argument for a NP INFL VP sentence structure. Horvath's proposal to assign structure (9) to Hungarian sentences also raises certain theroretical problems; i.