Dire, ne pas dire : Du bon usage de la langue française by Académie française

By Académie française

Dit-on Elle a l'air malin ou elle a l'air maligne ? D'ailleurs ou par ailleurs? Par contre ou en revanche ? Courbatu ou courbaturé ? Tout à coup ou tout d'un coup ? A l'attention de ou à l'intention de ? Ce qui reste ou ce qu'il reste ? Sabler ou sabrer le champagne ? À toutes ces interrogations, les académiciens et les linguistes du quai Conti apportent des réponses claires et passionnantes. Plus de one hundred fifty emplois fautifs, abus de sens, néologismes ou anglicismes sont ici exposés et rectifiés à travers des cas concrets et quotidiens. Un précieux ouvrage, un vif hommage à l'intelligence et aux subtilités de l. a. langue française.

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Additional info for Dire, ne pas dire : Du bon usage de la langue française

Example text

However, presentational unergatives are also forthcoming and these also occur routinely in the il construction. The issue of which verbs can occur in il/there-type expletive constructions can thus be seen as pertaining primarily to information structure. From this perspective, the approach adopted in the bulk of the unaccusative literature can be regarded as an attempt to reconstruct an essentially pragmatic phenomenon in syntactic terms. 1 Introduction Many of the Romance languages exhibit a clitic reflex of Latin inde ‘whence’ that functions in a broadly pronominal capacity, with the meaning ‘of it’, ‘of them’ etc.

86) Cada propuesta fue rechazada. ’ French il with passives or se-moyen can then be regarded as essentially reproducing the presentational information structure illustrated by (77) to (80) and by (82). Assuming that French is like the nullsubject languages in terms of the relative frequency of presentational information structure with passives/se-moyen, the productivity of these constructions with il is thus immediately accounted for. 3 Narrowly-focused associates It was noted earlier that French il was also compatible with narrow focus on the associate, as in example (40), reproduced below: (40) Un sénateur et un député se disputaient le siège de président regional.

28) Fue arrojada la basura por un barranco. ’ From this perspective, the Italian data adduced by Belletti now look somewhat isolated. The question that arises at this point is whether the behaviour of definite postverbal subjects in Italian might be interpreted in a way other than that indicated by Belletti. With this question in mind, it is significant that Pinto (1997:49) has attributed the deviancy of example (19), reproduced below, to the fact that the definite description is insufficiently specific to secure uniqueness of reference:15 (19) *All’improvviso è entrato l’uomo dalla finestra..

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