La mort de l'élite progressiste by Chris Hedge, Nicolas Calvé

By Chris Hedge, Nicolas Calvé

De plus en plus puissant, l’État-entreprise n’a même plus à répondre à ses détracteurs progressistes. Les médias, les syndicats, les universités, les artistes et le Parti démocrate se sont tous inclinés devant l. a. grande entreprise et, bardés de leur prétendue neutralité, défendent désormais les intérêts de celle-ci dans une consternante pantomime de démocratie. L’élite progressiste américaine, détachée du monde, dépourvue de toute crédibilité, a déserté los angeles tribune politique, cédant l. a. position au populisme d’extrême droite. À los angeles fois récit du naufrage volontaire du contre-pouvoir, depuis l. a. Première Guerre mondiale jusqu’à l’invasion de l’Irak, et constat d’un alarmant vide idéologique, ce livre salue aussi les révoltés, libres parias, qui chronic à épuiser le champ du attainable.

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Pp. 259–271. Samuels, David. 2003. Ambition, Federalism and Legislative Politics in Brazil. New York: Cambridge University Press. Samuels, David, and Richard Snyder. 2001. ” British Journal of Political Science 31(3):651–671. Santos, Fabiano. 1999. ” Dados 42(1):111–138. Santos, Wanderley Guilherme dos. 2003. ” In Maria Victoria Benevides, Paulo Vannuchi, and Fábio Kerche, eds. Reforma Política e Cidadania. São Paulo: Fundação Perseu Abramo. pp. 33–43. Schmitt, Rogério Augusto. 1999. “Migração Partidária e Reeleição na Câmara dos Deputados”.

Moreover, closed lists will severe the direct link that now exists—at least potentially—between voters and legislators. If accountability is said to be low now, what will it be when voters cannot punish representatives directly? As recent research has shown (Kunicova and Rose-Ackerman 2005 and Persson, Tabellini, and Trebbi 2003; but see Chang 2005 for a contrary view), corruption is higher under closed list than under open list PR electoral systems; and the reasons are precisely the greater power of parties and lower accountability of legislators in the former systems.

In Brazil, 22 of the 27 districts in the 2006 elections had more than one million voters; 12 had more than 3 million voters; 8 had more than 5 million voters; 3 had more than 10 million voters and 1 had over 28 million voters! The combination of relatively large magnitudes with large electorates implies a high level of competitiveness in legislative elections. 4 candidates per seat. 6. In six states the number of candidates per seat was over 10. 4 in Rio de Janeiro). Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos (2003) defends the level of competitiveness of the Brazilian system, using as an indicator the number of candidates per seat.

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