Locality in minimalist syntax by Thomas S. Stroik

By Thomas S. Stroik

During this hugely unique reanalysis of minimalist syntax, Thomas Stroik considers the optimum layout homes for human language. Taking as his place to begin Chomsky's minimalist assumption that the syntactic section of a language generates representations for sentences which are interpreted at perceptual and conceptual interfaces, Stroik investigates how those representations should be generated such a lot parsimoniously. Countering the existing analyses of minimalist syntax, he argues that the computational houses of human language consist in basic terms of strictly neighborhood Merge operations that lack either look-back and look-forward homes. All grammatical operations lessen to a unmarried type of in the community outlined feature-checking operation, and all grammatical houses are the cumulative results of neighborhood grammatical operations. As Stroik demonstrates, lowering syntactic operations to neighborhood operations with a unmarried property—merging lexical fabric into syntactic derivations—not merely greatly raises the computational potency of the syntactic part, however it additionally optimally simplifies the layout of the computational process. Locality in Minimalist Syntax explains various syntactic phenomena that experience lengthy resisted prior generative theories, together with that-trace results, superiority results, and the interpretations on hand for multiple-wh structures. It additionally introduces the live on precept, a tremendous new notion for syntactic research, and offers anything thought of very unlikely in minimalist syntax: a locality account of displacement phenomena. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 51

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However, let’s follow Collins in assuming that checked features are deactivated in the remainder of a derivation. The Merge operation will then be a checking and perhaps a DEACT(ivation) operation. That is, any SO A that enters the computation of a sentence has a set of activated features hF1 , . . , Fn i all of which must be checked and, perhaps, deactivated for interface compatibility; The SURVIVE Principle 33 hence A must combine with other SOs able to check the features Fi for agreement. Significantly, even though A may combine with B to check/ deactivate some of its features, B might not be able to check/deactivate all of the active features of A.

26) a. [VP put what where] b. [CP what [where [C [TP to [VP put (what) (where)]]]]] Once in the Spec position of the embedded CP, the C head will DEACT/ check the [WH] feature of one of the wh-elements; the second wh-element will not have its feature checked. The features of the second wh-element, however, are not incompatible with the C head; as a result, the second wh-element will not be repelled from the Spec position of the embedded CP. The unchecked wh-feature will cause this derivation to stall when the next phase is derived, regardless of how the derivation proceeds after (26b).

For example, the wh-element in (6) must combine with the verb to check its object features in (6a) and then it must reappear as the fronted wh-operator in (6b) to check its operator features. (6) a. [Mary should have [hired who]] b. ’ The dislocation property is an imperfection because it appears to compromise the simplicity of the design of FL, requiring FL to have not only the locally defined Merge operation, but also some other operation that relocates an SO in a position distal from its original Merge site.

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