By Fredrik S. Heffermehl
När Barack Obama fick Nobels fredspris 2009 väckte det förvåning. Hur kunde en president som förde krig i både Irak och Afghanistan betraktas som fredsförfäktare, det ord Nobel använde i sitt testamente för att beskriva pristagarnas främsta egenskap?
Den norska Nobelkommitténs beslut har blivit alltmer ifrågasatta. Fredrik S. Heffermehl har gått tillbaka until Nobels testamente och jämfört hans vilja med kommitténs val. Han har granskat motiven bakom alla de pris som utdelats och kommit fram until eventually ett förödande resultat: Nobels fredspris har omvandlats until ett pris som gagnar politiska och kommersiella intressen.
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Additional info for Nobels fredspris : Visionen som försvann
While analysts pored over their speeches and 27 Graeme Gill statements, trying to discern differences between what they were saying and possible policy conflicts between the two men, most Russians seem to assume that they were working largely together in what has been called a “tandem”. On the few occasions they have discussed the issue, both Medvedev and Putin have emphasised that they are working together and that they discuss issues; and Medvedev has said that he would not run against Putin should the latter run in the 2012 presidential poll.
Critics, including the late Anna Politkovskaya, allege that the legal profession is corrupt and open to political pressure to convict or, as often as not, acquit criminals (Politkovskaya 2004), although Sakwa (2008, 157) asserts that “the common image of Russian judges as incompetent and corrupt is very far from the mark”. In practice, the resources available to Russia – technical, manpower, institutional, cultural and psychological in terms of support for state institutions – seem inadequate to the task of bringing democratic constitutional order to a society of vast distances, poor infrastructure and enormous economic and social diversity.
The length of parliamentary and presidential terms has been extended (to take effect from the next election), but despite the rhetoric there has been no effort to make the political system more genuinely competitive. Greater central control also seemed to be asserted in 2010 with the removal of three long-standing regional leaders whose autonomy had bucked the trend of centralism of the power vertical – Yury Luzhkov in Moscow, Mintimir Shaimiyev in Tatarstan and Murtaz Rakhimov in Bashkortostan (see Chapter 13 by Darrell Slider).