Regime and Society in Twentieth-Century Russia: Selected by Aan D. Thatcher, Ian D. Thatcher

By Aan D. Thatcher, Ian D. Thatcher

This publication includes clean techniques to the interplay among regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It bargains new solutions to regular questions: * How important is 'totalitarianism' as a version to classify authoritarian regimes? * What percentages existed for tsarism to set up itself as a constitutional monarchy? * have been Trotsky and Lenin dictators in ready? * How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? * What competition did intellectuals supply within the Soviet regime? * what's the nature of latest Russian constitutionalism? it truly is required studying for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everybody attracted to glossy Russia.

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Regime and Society in Twentieth-Century Russia: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995

This e-book comprises clean ways to the interplay among regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It deals new solutions to conventional questions: * How helpful is 'totalitarianism' as a version to classify authoritarian regimes? * What probabilities existed for tsarism to set up itself as a constitutional monarchy?

Extra info for Regime and Society in Twentieth-Century Russia: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995

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The major consequence of this for the Duma, according to Trotsky, would be 'legislative impotence' as the capitalists and landowners 'neutralise one another'. In this situation, the tsar had the opportunity to take initiatives to bring about unity among the ruling groups. But the major policies of the tsarist regime - agrarian reform and an active foreign policy - were notable failures. Stolypin's land law of 9 November 1906, for example, which gave the peasants the right to leave the commune and set up as individual landholders, attempted to underpin the 3 June pact in several respects.

Moreover, Trotsky stated, agitation should be carried out not only among the enfranchised: it should also be directed at the disenfranchised. Social democrats sought to organise, and take socialism to, the mass of the people. How, then, could they ignore the disenfranchised? At the same time, even though the votes of the latter could not be recorded at the official polls, social democratic deputies would be able to claim a constituency larger than that of any other member of the Duma. Only if the full range of possibilities opened up by an election campaign were taken advantage of, Trotsky argued, would both the party gain for itself a parliamentary fraction worthy of support and also the fraction win the backing of the proletariat.

Gospodin Petr Struve v politike, p. 51. 'Revolyutsiya i ee sily', p. 449. 'Duma i revolyutsiya', p. 217. 'Chemaya duma za rabotoi', p. 249. 'Vneshnyaya politika kontrrevolyutsii', p. 282. 122-3. 'Pered pervym maya', in Politicheskaya khronika, pp. 258-9. Anon, 'Dumskii lokaut', Bor'ba, 1914, no. 5, pp. 3-8. 'Na bor'bu s bezrabotitsei i golodom', in Politicheskaya khronika, p. 255. 'Nasha dumskaya fraktsiya', Sotsial-demokrat, no. 2, 10 February 1909, pp. 2-4. 'Nasha dumskaya fraktsiya', Nashe slovo, no.

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